Space research can be viewed as the nearest modern equivalent yet devised to
the pyramid-building, and similar ritualistic enterprises, of ancient societies. It
is true that the scientific value of the space program, even of what has already
been accomplished, is substantial on its own terms. But current programs are
absurdly obviously disproportionate, in the relationship of the knowledge
sought to the expenditures committed. All but a small fraction of the space
budget, measured by the standards of comparable scientific objectives, must be
charged de facto to the military economy. Future space research, projected as a
war surrogate, would further research, projected as a war surrogate, would
further reduce the "scientific" rationale of its budget to a minuscule percentage
indeed. As a purely economic substitute for war, therefore, extension of the
space program warrants serious consideration.
In Section 3 we pointed out that certain disarmament models, which we called
conservative, postulated extremely expensive and elaborate inspection systems.
Would it be possible to extend and institutionalize such systems to the point
where they might serve as economic surrogates for war spending? The
organization of failsafe inspection machinery could well be ritualized in a
manner similar to that of established military processes. "Inspection teams"
might be very like weapons. Inflating the inspection budget to military scale
presents no difficulty. The appeal of this kind of scheme lies in the comparative
ease of transition between two parallel systems.
The "elaborate inspection" surrogate is fundamentally fallacious, however.
Although it might be economically useful, as well as politically necessary,
during the disarmament transition, it would fail as a substitute for the economic
function of war for one simple reason. Peace-keeping inspection is part of a war
system, not of a peace system. It implies the possibility of weapons
maintenance or manufacture, which could not exist in a world at peace as here
defined. Massive inspection also implies sanctions, and thus war-readiness.
The same fallacy is more obvious in plans to create a patently useless "defense
conversion" apparatus. The long-discredited proposal to build "total" civil
defense facilities is one example; another is the plan to establish a giant
antimissile missile complex (Nike-X, et al.). These programs, of course, are
economic rather than strategic. Nevertheless, they are not substitutes for
military spending but merely different forms of it.
A more sophisticated variant is the proposal to establish the "Unarmed Forces"
of the United States. This would conveniently maintain the entire institutional
military structure, redirecting it essentially toward social-welfare activities on a
global scale. It would be, in effect, a giant military Peace Corps. There is
the pyramid-building, and similar ritualistic enterprises, of ancient societies. It
is true that the scientific value of the space program, even of what has already
been accomplished, is substantial on its own terms. But current programs are
absurdly obviously disproportionate, in the relationship of the knowledge
sought to the expenditures committed. All but a small fraction of the space
budget, measured by the standards of comparable scientific objectives, must be
charged de facto to the military economy. Future space research, projected as a
war surrogate, would further research, projected as a war surrogate, would
further reduce the "scientific" rationale of its budget to a minuscule percentage
indeed. As a purely economic substitute for war, therefore, extension of the
space program warrants serious consideration.
In Section 3 we pointed out that certain disarmament models, which we called
conservative, postulated extremely expensive and elaborate inspection systems.
Would it be possible to extend and institutionalize such systems to the point
where they might serve as economic surrogates for war spending? The
organization of failsafe inspection machinery could well be ritualized in a
manner similar to that of established military processes. "Inspection teams"
might be very like weapons. Inflating the inspection budget to military scale
presents no difficulty. The appeal of this kind of scheme lies in the comparative
ease of transition between two parallel systems.
The "elaborate inspection" surrogate is fundamentally fallacious, however.
Although it might be economically useful, as well as politically necessary,
during the disarmament transition, it would fail as a substitute for the economic
function of war for one simple reason. Peace-keeping inspection is part of a war
system, not of a peace system. It implies the possibility of weapons
maintenance or manufacture, which could not exist in a world at peace as here
defined. Massive inspection also implies sanctions, and thus war-readiness.
The same fallacy is more obvious in plans to create a patently useless "defense
conversion" apparatus. The long-discredited proposal to build "total" civil
defense facilities is one example; another is the plan to establish a giant
antimissile missile complex (Nike-X, et al.). These programs, of course, are
economic rather than strategic. Nevertheless, they are not substitutes for
military spending but merely different forms of it.
A more sophisticated variant is the proposal to establish the "Unarmed Forces"
of the United States. This would conveniently maintain the entire institutional
military structure, redirecting it essentially toward social-welfare activities on a
global scale. It would be, in effect, a giant military Peace Corps. There is
